Restenneth Priory

One recurring theme of mine to state that certain places are crying out for archaeological investigation and there is nowhere that is more true of than Restenneth Priory. The ruins of Restenneth  sit tranquilly around  2 km east of  the town of Forfar in Angus, in what is now open parkland.  The building occupies a knoll,  which wasoriginally a raised promontory jutting out into the western end of Restenneth Loch, a body of water drained at the end of the 18th century. Early sources, including the History of the Picts by Harry Maule of Melgund (1706), insist that the site was connected to the mainland by a drawbridge, yet no sign of this has ever been satisfactorily proven*.  The tallest part of the building is the spire, still standing at 14 m high,  and while sections of the cloister and choir survive to a reasonable height the rest of the building has been reduced to ground level.  There is debate about the date of the earliest building work here, but much of the priory was constructed in the 13th century, with some remodelling of the building in subsequent centuries.

* The 'drawbridge' is also mentioned by the English antiquarian Francis Grose at the end of the 18th century.

Restenneth: The Name and the Place

   Much of the controversy about Restenneth centres on the debate about whether the existing medieval Augustinian priory contains, in its fabric, elements of an earlier medieval building, possibly linked to an 8th century Pictish church.  That will be examined below.  The place of the building in the landscape also offers clues.  According to W. J. Watson,  the name Restennet(h) (older variant Rostinoth) means,  'promontory (or moor) of the fire', which requires consideration, given its watery setting. Is it possible the fire mentioned here has a ritual context?  That is pure speculation, but it does seem that the place may have been regarded as religiously significant before the construction of a Christian place of worship.  There is a stone in the masonry here which shows ancient cup and ring marks, literally marking it out as a place of special significance.

  James Johnston gives a completely different derivation of the name: 'the residence in the woods'.  Alan Reid offers us a folk explanation of the place-name which has arisen in modern times (The Royal Burgh of Forfar, p. 4).  According to this tale a band of warriors were after some particular foes in the area and asked some locals where these enemies might be.  The helpful locals pointed out a distant hollow and said 'They rest in it,' which  gave rise to the place-name Restenneth. But the warriors found no-one when they got there.  A further query informed them the enemy were 'far afore', which is how Forfar got its name. The same author states that, at the start of the 20th century, the local pronunciation of the name was Riskennet.   Attempts by Reid to link the second element of the name with annat, signifying an ancient 'mother church' are equally spurious.

Restenneth and the Pictish King Nechtan mac Der-Ilei

   Restenneth, in late records, has an intriguing foundation legend which has already been partially covered in an earlier post which detailed the arrival of an extremely shadowy cleric named Curetán   or Boniface in Pictland.  (It can be read here.)  While I will return again in future to this tradition, especially focusing on how the tale relates to other royal and early religious sites and stories in Angus, a summary is needed here.  Several sources state that Curetán/Boniface landed with a company at Invergowrie and founded a church there and another at Tealing.  Some versions then state that the saint was met by a king named Nechtan, along with his army at Restenneth, or alternatively that he founded a church here and remained at Restenneth for some years before journeying to north Pictland.

   These wisps of tradition have long been linked to the story recorded by the Venerable Bede that relates how the Pictish king Nechtan son of Der-Ilei wrote to Ceolfrith, abbot of Monwearmouth, around the year 710 (or perhaps several years later) asking for instruction in the Roman faith and assistance to build a stone church.  This he promised to dedicate to St Peter.  Restenneth, Tealing and Invergowrie (plus the important site of Meigle) were all dedicated to St Peter.  Nechtan's motives were partly inspired by a wish to diminish the 'family of Iona' and their influence in Pictland, linked to the political aspirations of Gaelic Dal Riada in his kingdom.  The Irish monks were thrown out of Pictland by the king in 717.  James Fraser notes that Restenneth is in close proximity to the supposed site of the Battle of Dunnichen.  The foundation of a Northumbrian-Pictish monastery near there, a generation later, would be a powerful symbol of the political rapprochement of the two nations.  John Stuart believes the connection between the early royal ownership of nearby Forfar is significant, pointing out the fact that the burgh's church was a satellite of Restenneth, signifying a close connection between the places.

  So tantalisingly vague is the legend, it is not easy to interpret.  Elements in some versions of the story point to the pontificate of Pope Boniface IV (608-15), in which case the Nechtan mentions would likely be Nechtan, the grandson of Uerb.  But the wider details favour Nechtan son of Der-Ilei, who ruled between 706 and 724.  Rosemarkie, the saint's northern foundation, is an alternative candidate for the Northumbrian influenced stone church. (It was also dedicated to St Peter.)  But mention of this far north site in association with Curetán/Boniface in the 15th century Chronicle of Andrew of Wyntoun is deceptive as some scholars have detected that Rosemarkie may be a misreading for Restenneth in some of his sources.

   But several other elements favour Angus. There was a small chapel dedicated to St Boniface near Blindwells, just south of Forfar, whose foundations were seen by Jamieson prior to 1822.  It was allegedly built on the site of a battle where a Pictish king defeated the Scots in the year 820, and named after him Feradeth or Feridan Field.  Another element in the mystery is a church belonging to the priory somewhere near Forfar which was called Ecclespether, the church of Peter.  The element eccles from Latin ecclesia is a  significant marker of an early church foundation. Although the location of this place has now been lost it has suggested that it was Aberlemno. The historian G.W.S. Barrow, while not identifying it as Aberlemno, linked the place with the Northumbrian-Pictish church dedicated to St Peter.  Ecclespether could equally well be Restenneth itself or even the site of a long-cist cemetery nearby, at Auchterforfar. Co-incidentally or not, the lands of Auchterforfar belonged to the priory of Restenneth (see list below).

Restenneth:  How Old Is the Priory Building? The Augustinian Priory

   Whether of not the foundation of Restenneth ultimately dates to the 8th century, current consensus agrees that the surviving building does not contain evidence of material that old, though a previous generation of historians speculated whether it did or not.  A study by Eric Birnie, concentrating on the fabric of the south doorway, states that this dates to either the 11th or  early 12 century compares the building with some respects of another supposed ancient foundation, Abernethy. Despite this, as I advised earlier, there have never been any substantial archaeological excavations conducted on the site. Historic Scotland's Statement of Significance remarks on the potential for further investigation of the monument, to determine the age of the components of the structure and to find out whether it sits on or near earlier ecclesiastical buildings.  (It also calls for a further look at the dating and construction of the upper part of the tower.)

   There is no documentary evidence for the site prior to the 12th century when Restenneth became a house of Augustinian canons.  The exact date of the foundation of Restenneth is not known, but it appears in the records of the reign of David I (1124-1153), when the canons and prior were granted 20 shillings from the rents of the burgh of Montrose.

   Around 1140, King David I. gave to the monks the rents of certain thanages, bondages, and other

royal lands. In the next few decades grants and privileges were made to Restenneth.  These included
the churches of Craignathro,  Forfar,  Petterden (between Forfar and Tealing), of Tealing, of Duninald, of Dysart, and - significantly - Egglispether. Between 1159 and 1163, King
Malcolm IV., by a charter signed at Roxburgh, made the Priory of Rostinoth, along with the chapel of
Forfar, a cell of  Jedburgh Abbey. In the reign of Malcolm IV (1153-64) it became a subordinate property of Jedburgh Abbey in the Borders. In the year 1243 the Bishop of St Andrews consecrated the chancel of St Peter's church at the priory, which may mark the completion of the chancel. King Alexander III, in the late 13th century gave a tenth of the hay grown in his forest of Plater, near Finhaven to the priory. In an Act of Parliament of 1227 at Forfar is David 'senescallus of Rostynoth', one of a group of local dignitaries chosen to perambulate lands belonging to Arbroath Abbey.

   In the time of King Robert I the writs of Restenneth were blithely said to have been 'lost and carried off by wars and other accidental causes'.  An enquiry was held to examine the ancient rights of the foundation.  It was established that Restenneth had holdings in over twenty Angus parishes and numerous rights and privileges including the following:

uplifting on each coming of the king to Forfar, and for each day he abides there, two loaves of the lord's bread, four loaves of the second bread, and six loaves, called hugmans; two flagons of the better ale, and two pairs of messes from each of the three courses of the kitchen.

Cumelagas and Bondswomen Attached to the Priory

   Who were the canons who occupied Restenneth and how did they relate to the society around them?  No religious foundation, least of all in the Middle Ages, was distinct and separate from the area where it was situated.  The relationship between the religious house and its surroundings was deep and multi faceted.  There is a glimpse of this complexity in a document, again from the reign of King Malcolm IV.  This commands unnamed men who had lived in the priory lands to return with their chattels, forbade anyone who tried to detain them and gave authority to the priory to  have 'all cumelagas and cumherbas and all its fugitives, wherever they are, wherever discovered'.  Cumelagas probably derives from the Gaelic word  cumal, 'female slave', while cumherbas may be the Old Irish comarba, 'heir/successor' (so meaning 'hereditary servile tenant').  Scholars suggest that these indicate subtle distinctions of tied, servile classes to particular sites and institutions, and particularly in the former case a distinct female class of servants associated with very old religious institution which would - in the case of Restenneth - argue for the existence of a a pre-Augustinian church foundation here.

The Bruce Family Association

   Robert, Prior of Restenneth, swore fealty to Edward I on 28th August 1296.  The English may have caused some damage to the priory at this time, especially to its records, but I can find no evidence that it was completely destroyed as some historians insist.  

   The connection of King Robert I with Restenneth is evidenced from charters he issues from the priory.  These include two charters to the Abbey of Arbroath and one grant to the Prior of Restenneth, allowing the authority to cut wood from the Forest of Plater in Angus at all convenient seasons.  This was for the purposes of making wagons, carts, yokes, halters, plus other related wooden objects. Other sources observe that Robert I also gave the priory the teinds of the king's horses and studs, and a third of the hay of the same forest. he king, in 1317, formulated documents concerning Perth at Restenneth and, in 1322, he granted the house income from the thanage of Thanachayis (Tannadice) and appointed Alisaundre de Lamberton to inquire into the ancient rights and privileges of the priory. On 10th June 1344 King David II confirmed to Restenneth previous grants and stated his special regard for the place where his brother John was buried. This seems to be the only record of this otherwise unknown son of Bruce. Twenty merks were also granted from the customs of Dundee annually.

The Library of Iona Transferred to the Priory

   The idea that Restenneth became the repository for ancient records which had been housed in Iona seems to be found first in the  works of of Hector Boece.  The reasons given were the remoteness of Iona, though later writers have conjectured that any such removal of manuscripts and books would have been prompted by Viking incursions on the western seaboard.  If this had been the case, the evacuation of artefacts would have been accomplished at an earlier date.  The idea that the Iona library was placed for safe keeping at Restenneth may lie in the priory's relationship with the Abbey of Jedburgh.  John Jamieson reminds us of the tradition that treasures from that religious house were transported here to Angus to safeguard them from the incessant depredations of the invading English.  Could that have influenced the more slender story that the lost written records of Iona were taken and stored here? At any rate, even if not true, the Iona story hints that there was a belief, by the 16th century, is not earlier that Restenneth was a place of special significance and had associations that were believed to be ancient.

   Boece unfortunately was an arch pedlar of falsehoods.  Here's what I wrote about his involvement in an earlier post:

The historian claimed to have secured certain lost histories from the island of Iona, passed to him by the Earl of Argyll and his brother, John Campbell of Lundy. Among these fabled texts was a Latin history of Scotland composed by the Spaniard Veremund(us), archdeacon of St Andrews in the 11th century. No trace of this history exists and its author is not mentioned by John of Fordun, who might be expected to have used such a source for his own history if it had been available. Should Boece have invented this history of Veremundus it would put him in the company of Geoffrey of Monmouth who claimed as a source for his historical work a certain old book written in the ancient British tongue, which almost certainly did not exist. Weighed against the accusation is the statement of the esteemed Erasmus who stated that his friend Boece ‘knew not what it was to tell a lie’.

Linked with the claims of a false source are Boece’s strange tales about the lost library of the monks of Iona. On the prompting of Bishop Elphinstone the books from Iona, together with the history of Veremund, were brought via the Campbell sources to Aberdeen in 1525. Some of the ancient written treasures unfortunately crumbled away to nothing. Another intriguing tradition links these documents, or some other books rescued from the holy island, with the ancient priory of Restenneth in Angus. It is plausible that Restenneth was originally founded in the 8th century, though actual records of the place do not mention it until centuries later. Boece uses the locality in his work as the scene of a great battle between Picts and Scots, in which the Pictish overlord Ferideth was slain. In his preface to the history of the bishops of Aberdeen, Boece weaves the story that the Scottish king Fergus II was present as an ally or mercenary in the army of Alaric the Goth at the sack of Rome in 409 AD. While other barbarians busied themselves looting as much gold and portable artefacts that they could carry, Fergus carted away a library of ancient books which he took back with him and deposited in Iona. Centuries later, for the sake of convenience and access, King Alexander I transported this whole library to Restenneth. King Edward I of England is rumoured to have maliciously torched this priceless collection at the end of the 13th century.  

Belief in the lost or hidden literary treasures was allegedly famous far and wide, so that when the papal legate Aeneus Sylvius (who later became Pope Pius II) visited Scotland in the 15th century he aimed to journey to Iona to find the lost books of Livy which he heard were deposited in the library there. The search for these lost literary treasures was resumed by Boece and he was at least partially successful, according to himself; and though it seems unlikely, the tale may contain some element of truth.

Archway in the east side of the tower, illustrated in the work of Macgibbon and Ross.

   But Boece in another work, Murthilacensium et Aberdonensium Episcoporum Vitae, states that there was originally a munitio, a fortification, at Restenneth.  This accords well with the attested practice of kings handing over centres of power to saints, and the receiving cleric using such sites as ready made power centres, from which to spiritually control the surrounding district.  In an Angus context, an earlier Nechtan may have given his fort at Kirkbuddo to the Irish saint Buite in the late 5th century (see my blog post In Search of King Nechtan in Angus and Elsewhere).

Restenneth's Later History

   In the year 1333 Sir Alexander Lindsay (later owner of Glenesk) gave Restenneth an annuity out of the barony of Duny and the priory seemed to flourish peacefully for several centuries with little incident. But the number of canons had dwindled to only two by 1504 when King James IV attempted to have the priory suppressed and its revenues diverted to the Chapel Royal at Stirling.  Restenneth and Forfar were one parish until later in the 16th century.  In 1591 the parishioners entered into an agreement with the Forfar minister David Lindsay that he should preach at the kirk in Forfar.  Referring to Restenneth, witnesses said the people of the town had heretofore suffered great inconvenience 'in the wickit and evill dayes of wynter, and of the want and inlaik at the said kirk of easement and refreshment to mane and beast, and of the discontiguetie of mony of our dwellings theifra'.

  The priory fell into lay ownership several decades earlier, when a son of Lord Home was recorded as its commendator.  By marriage it passed to the Erskine family. Restenneth became a temporal lordship for Viscount Fenton (afterwards the Earl of Kellie) in 1606, which was confirmed by a charter of 1614.  The Fletchers of Balinscho appear to be the next owners and, in  1693, William Hunter of Burnside is recorded as the proprietor of Restenneth and used the priory as his family burial ground, as did the Dempsters of Dunnichen who acquired the property at the start of the 18th century.  When Dr Jamieson wrote in 1822 the buildings were being utilised as a cattle fold.  It was taken under control by the nation in 1919 as an ancient monument. The Angus Archives are houses in a nearby building, the Hunter Library, built in 1972.

Works Consulted

Dunbar, Lindsay J. and Maldonado, Adrián, 'A long cist cemetery near Auchterforfar Farm, Forfar, Angus – Christian or pre-Christian?', Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal (2012), 18, pp. 63-80.

Duncan, A. A. M., Scotland, The Making of the Kingdom (Edinburgh, 1995).

Fernie, Eric, 'Early Church Architecture in Scotland', Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 11 (1986), 393-411.

Fraser, James E. , 'Rochester, Hexham and Cennrígmonaid: The Movements of St Andrew in Britain', in Saints' Cults in the Celtic World, ed. Steve Boardman, John Reuban Davis and Eila Williamson (Woodbridge, 2009), pp. 1-17.

Fraser, James E. , The Battle of Dunnichen, 685 (Stroud, 2002).

Historic Environment Scotland, Statement of Significance:  Restenneth Priory (Edinburgh, 2004).

Jamieson, John, 'An Account of Some Ancient Remains in Angus',  Archaeologia Scotica, 2 (1822), pp. 14-30.

Jervise, Andrew, Memorials of Angus and the Mearns, An Account Historical, Antiquarian and Traditionary (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1885).

Johnston, James B., The Place-names of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1903).

Kirby, D. P., 'Bede and the Pictish Church', The Innes Review, vol 24, issue 1 (1973), pp 6-25.

Macgibbon, David and Ross, Thomas, The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Scotland, From the Earliest Christian Times to the Seventeenth Century, volume I (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1896).

Macpherson, Rev. J. G., Strathmore, Past and Present (Perth, 1885).

Reid, Alan, The Royal Burgh of Forfar (Paisley, 1902).

Sherriff, John R., 'Prehistoric Rock-carvings in Angus,' Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, 1 (1995), 11-22.

Simpson, W. Douglas, 'The Early Romanesque Tower at Restenneth Priory, Angus,' The Antiquaries Journal,  42 (02) (1963), pp.  269-83.

Stuart, John, 'On the Early History of the Priory of Restennet,' Archaeologia Scotica, 7 (1866-68), 285-316.

Taylor, Simon, 'Place-names and the early church in Scotland,' Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 28 (1998), pp. 1-22.

Warden, Alexander, Angus, or Forfarshire, 2nd volume (4 vols, Dundee, 1880-1885).

Watson, W.J., History of the Celtic Place-names of Scotland (1926, rep. Edinburgh, 1986).

Appendix

Rental of lands belonging to the Priory of Restenneth, from a copy in Miscellanea Aldbarensia, printed in Memorials of Angus and the Mearns, vol. 2, app. 32.